Two Routes Leading to Conformity Intention in Computer-Mediated Groups: Matching Versus Mismatching Virtual Representations

Given that using graphic self-representation (i.e., avatar) has become popular in diverse online services such as network games or virtual life communities (e.g., Second Life), it is important to investigate how visual self-representation can affect people's behaviors or identities in cyberspace. Among many possible effects of visual cues in cyberspace, the current study focuses on the impact of sharing uniform appearance on virtual group identity. This study predicts that being represented by the same visual cue as others can increase group identity in a virtual group. Such identification with strangers is possible in virtual groups partially because virtual identities can be easily manipulated. Compared to offline settings where it is almost impossible to be disconnected from actual selves, it is much easier for people to be disconnected from their physical appearances in cyberspace. And people do identify with and attach to their virtual representations that do not necessarily reflect their actual appearances. The current study pushes this supposition of the weak connection between actual self and virtual self-representation to the limit, and asks the following question: Can someone identify with his/her group members sharing the same visual cue as his/hers even when the shared visual cue does not match with his/her actual ethnicity? If answer is yes, it might not be impossible to envision that manipulated virtual self-representation can be used for reducing negative stereotypes existing among different racial groups by temporarily detaching people from their own ethnic group memberships and making them focus on their virtual identities. For instance, members of white supremacy group might be able to lessen their negative attitudes toward other ethnic group members by sharing the same visual cue with and interacting with them in cyberspace. This idea is in accordance with a group of early researchers who perceived cyberspace as a place for augmented equality and liberation from existing social boundaries (e.g., Dubrovsky, Kiesler, & Sethna, 1991; Kiesler, Siegel, & McGuire, 1984; Sproull & Kiesler, 1991). Thus, the current study investigates whether virtual representations can be used for reducing social influences coming from one of the social boundaries—ethnicity divisions. In order to achieve this goal, first of all, it starts from investigating whether uniform appearance, whether they are matching with people's actual ethnicity or not, can induce strong group identity with others in cyberspace. Social identity model of deindividuation effects (SIDE) has been used as one of the theoretical frameworks suggesting that computer-mediated communication (CMC) accentuates social influences on individuals (Spears, Postmes, Lea, & Watt, 2001). This view is different from a group of earlier CMC studies suggesting that anonymity in CMC could reduce social influences (e.g., Dubrovsky et al., 1991; Kiesler et al., 1984; Sproull & Kiesler, 1991). According to SIDE, the lack of social cues in CMC makes individuals pay less attention to others' individuating information but focus more on a common group membership. This phenomenon is called depersonalization (Reicher, Spears, & Postmes, 1995). The augmented importance of the common group membership increases group influence and leads to a higher level of conformity among group members (Lea & Spears, 1991). A group of studies has provided empirical support for SIDE showing that anonymity caused by deprived social cues in CMC actually increases conformity among members of computer-mediated groups (e.g. Postmes & Lea, 2000; Postmes & Spears, 1998; Postmes, Spears, & Cihangir, 2001; Postmes, Spears, & Lea, 1998, 1999; Postmes, Spears, Sakhel, & de Groot, 2001). In most CMC studies, the effect of anonymity on group identity as well as conformity has been investigated by contrasting two conditions: a control condition in which participants are physically colocated and an experimental condition where participants are isolated and cannot see one another. That is, depersonalization in most CMC studies has been induced by making experiment participants invisible to one another. Recently, however, uniform appearance has been used as another means to induce depersonalization in computer-mediated groups (e.g., Kim, 2009; Lee, 2004). Making people look similar to one another is not a new way to induce depersonalization, but already has been used in face-to-face context studies (e.g., Maslach, 1974; Zimbardo, 1969). Given that people feel depersonalized and can strongly identify with others when they are wearing the same outfit in face-to-face contexts, the current study speculates that uniform appearance might function in the same way in cyberspace. Thus, sharing the same ‘Avatar’—an electronic image that represents and can be modified by computer users (Merriam-Webster Dictionary, n.d.)—with others should decrease group members' focus on one another's individualities, while increasing the level of group identity. On the other hand, if people are visually distinguished by their unique avatars, they can preserve more distinctiveness that hinders their identification with one another. H1: Individuals who share the same visual cue with others will show greater group identity than those who are represented by different visual cues from others. As indicated by previous studies (e.g., Kim, 2009; Lee, 2004), people do identify with others who share the same visual representation as theirs' even when the visual representation is randomly assigned to them. This might be partially based on the fact that the connection between an actual (physical) identity and a virtual identity is weak and the virtual identity can be easily manipulated. Knowing that they can present themselves in any way they want in cyberspace, individuals can develop an attachment toward assigned visual cues and even identify with others who are sharing the same visual cue. Then is it possible for one to identify with others who share the same virtual cue as his/hers even when the assigned cue conflicts with his/her actual demographic background? According to Lee's study (2007), people can identify with one another if they share the same gender in their virtual images, even when there was a clear mismatch between their actual gender and the gender of their assigned virtual images. For instance, a male participant who was assigned with a female character identified strongly with others who were also represented by female characters. If individuals can identify with others in cyberspace just because they share visual cues of the same gender, sharing exactly the same visual cue might induce even stronger group identity although ethnicity of the cue does not match with individuals' actual ethnicity. The current study investigates whether sharing the same visual cue mismatching with actual ethnicity induces as strong group identity as sharing the same visual cue matching with actual ethnicity. Based on the malleability of identity in cyberspace and previous findings that sharing the same visual cue accentuates group identity (e.g., Kim, 2009; Lee, 2004), the current study predicts that sharing uniform appearance mismatching with individuals' actual ethnicity can induce group identity as strong as sharing uniform appearance matching with individuals' actual ethnicity. H2: Sharing uniform appearance that does not match with people's actual ethnicity will increase group identity as much as sharing uniform appearance that matches with their actual ethnicity. Another factor that can increase group identity other than sharing uniform appearance is the existence of an out-group. To know that there is an out-group competing against in-group might contribute to the increase of group identity as well as conformity among in-group members (Brewer, 1979). The mere presence of an out-group, even without any interaction or competition between in-group and out-group, can increase in-group identity by enhancing the salience of categorization (Turner, 1987). Especially, a clear visual distinction between two groups can augment in-group identity through increasing in-group members' perception of a boundary between their group and the other group (Hensley & Duval, 1976). Earlier studies have been consistently showing that in-group identification is highly associated with in-group members' perceived dissimilarity between their group and the other group (e.g., Wilson & Kayatani, 1968; Dion, 1973; Billing & Tajfel, 1973). These results are consistent with social comparison theory (Turner, 1975), which indicates that the existence of an out-group that is clearly different from in-group can induce strong in-group identity through a contrast effect. Furthermore, the intensified in-group identity increases individuals' willingness to agree with their in-group members, as suggested by SIDE. H3: Perceived visual distinctiveness between in-group members and out-group members will be positively associated with individuals' identification with in-group members. H4: Stronger identification with in-group members will increase individuals' willingness to agree with them. While uniform virtual appearance leads to stronger group identity, it also makes people perceive that they are too similar to in-group members. According to uniqueness theory (Snyder & Fromkin, 1980) and optimal distinctiveness theory (Brewer, 1991), there are two conflicting motivations that affect people's conformity behavior: the need to belong (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Maslow, 1968) and the need to be different (Snyder & Fromkin, 1980). The former refers to “a need for inclusion of the self into larger social collectives,” while the latter refers to “a need for differentiation of the self from others” (Brewer, 1993, p.3). The need to belong is a primitive human need, so to be rejected or ostracized by others is one of the highly negative experiences for human beings (Williams, 2001). At the same time, the sanctity of self and being true to self is a cultural norm in Western society (Baumeister, 1991). Thus, if people submerge their individualities in order to fulfill group responsibilities or maintain peace within their group, such behaviors have been considered as negative elements to personal growths (Baumeister, 1991; Wallach & Wallach, 1983). The optimal distinctiveness theory argues that the existence of such opposing forces creates tension in constructing social identities when individuals are located in a group. Because individuals always try to look for an optimal balance point between these two needs, they are aware of and try to compensate for any external factor that disturbs the balance. For instance, extreme visual similarity shared among group members might make them feel that their uniqueness as distinctive individuals diminished or even threatened. On the other hand, if individuals are allowed to represent themselves using unique visual cues, they might not perceive as much threat to their uniqueness as those who are sharing the same visual cue. Regardless of whether the shared visual cue matches with their actual ethnicity or not, people are expected to perceive strong threat to their uniqueness if they share the same visual representation with others. H5: Individuals who share the same visual cue with others will perceive a higher degree of threat to their uniqueness than those who are represented by different visual cues from others. H6: Sharing uniform appearance that does not match with their actual ethnicity will be as much threat to people's uniqueness as sharing uniform appearance that matches with their actual ethnicity. People's desires to maintain optimal levels for both similarity and distinctiveness might not tolerate the state of diminished uniqueness. Thus, perceived threat to uniqueness augmented by sharing the same visual cue with others triggers people's craving for uniqueness. Such heightened need for uniqueness (NFU) (Fromkin & Snyder, 1980; Snyder, 1992) urges people to get satisfaction from being unique, special, and separable from the masses (Fromkin & Snyder, 1980). Therefore, NFU stirred up by sharing the same visual cue with others will lead people to actively seek ways to restore their uniqueness, for example, by deviating from a shared by the of their group members 2009; Maslach, 1974; & A strong threat to uniqueness intensified by sharing the same visual cue with others will make individuals for more uniqueness. Stronger need for uniqueness will lead individuals to be less to agree with their group members as a way to restore their uniqueness. As indicated by theory of & individuals' willingness to agree with others is expected to have a with their actual conformity to a by their in-group members. 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